Labor as export

First published in Yehey!News…

According to the Department of Labor and Employment, almost a million Filipino workers left the country last year. The Department of Health estimated that eighty-five percent of our nurses are now working in foreign hospitals. Surveys reveal that three out four Filipinos aged 18-25 are eager to work abroad.

The challenge to our institutions, both public and private, is how to convince our skilled workers to remain. It seems a Herculean task considering that financial incentives are better abroad. But we must do something to prevent the total collapse of our industries if our best and most promising professionals continue to leave the country.

It is noteworthy to remember that deployment of workers abroad started as a temporary economic relief program in the 1970s which became a permanent government policy. The money sent home by overseas Filipinos has kept the economy afloat throughout the years.

But economists are warning that the country is losing more with the departure of our skilled workers. The social costs of migration are also highlighted in numerous studies in the academe.

Migrant groups have reported that overseas Filipinos also suffer from discrimination, unsafe working conditions, depression and low pay. But the number of Filipinos queuing for visa and passport has not gone down. Our people are willing to make hard sacrifices just to secure a better future for their families.

Is this not the greater tragedy? Why can’t we provide a better life for Filipinos?

Somehow, we have to rethink the viability of sending our brightest graduates to work abroad. Exporting labor helped us survive the turbulent decades since the 1970s. But this did not make us into a powerhouse economy.

This is one issue we need to ponder as we celebrate Labor Day this week.

Related entries:   

Kamustahan sa Epza, interview with Cavite workers
Overdrive, be kind to our bus drivers
Nannies in Hong Kong, paboritong yaya kasi tayo eh
Family ties in the time of diaspora, my first and favorite blog entry                                         

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Hail to the graduate

THIS refers to the news report about the student in Cavite who heckled Mrs. Gloria Arroyo during a graduation ceremony.

Sec. Mike Defensor should be the last person to demand decorum from anti-Arroyo protesters. Has he forgotten how he shamelessly defended Executive Order 464 which undermined the integrity of a co-equal branch of government? He should also recall his uncouth behavior everytime he ridicules government critics.

It is Malacañang which provoked citizens like Ma. Theresa Pangilinan to carry out such daring actions. The impeachment proceeding was prematurely quashed, rallies are dispersed violently and legislative inquiries are being hijacked by Malacañang.

People are resorting to creative forms of activities like the Black Friday protests, democracy walks, cyber rallies and now, public humiliation since the government has closed almost all possible legal venues for the people to air their grievances.

Ms. Pangilinan has every reason to heckle Mrs. Arroyo. As a student leader of a public university, she was probably angry over the budget cuts imposed by the Arroyo government on higher education. As a Mass Communication student who faithfully and diligently completed the requirements of her course, she probably felt insulted that a fake president should be the commencement speaker. She maybe wondering how could a cheat, liar and bully inspire the students.

Ms. Pangilinan’s graduation protest was not without precedence. Public school students have always been known for using graduation rites to send a political statement.

Sec. Defensor mentioned the annual graduation protests in the University of the Philippines. The most memorable ones were during the time when Pres. Ferdinand Marcos visited the campus in 1970 and First Lady Imelda Marcos in 1977. Even at the Philippine Military Academy, the class goat would usually deliver his/her own graduation speech.

Malacañang must prepare for more heckling since surveys reveal that majority of Filipinos want her out. It is hoped that next time, aside from jeers, people would also throw some eggs or tomatoes in Mrs. Arroyo’s face.

Related Entries:

In defense of human rights, what young people can do to uphold human rights
Battle of the streets, required to topple Arroyo
Defining the Filipino youth, definitely not apathetic

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Theme of the week: Where are the advocates of oil deregulation?

Return the books

I remember an interesting conversation I had with Behn Cervantes almost two years ago.

He said that right after the 1986 EDSA uprising, the military returned all personal belongings of Sen. Ninoy Aquino to his family.

Direk Cervantes confided he has yet to receive any personal things confiscated from him by the military when he was arrested during Martial Law. Other former political prisoners, I think, have not entertained the idea of retrieving their stolen belongings.

Direk Cervantes recalled that all materials possessed by suspected dissidents were seized by the police. Books, pamphlets, documents, posters were all taken away from arrested activists even if some of them were not subversive.

Direk Cervantes could only laugh while remembering his book about the innovations in American theater which was confiscated because its title contains the word ‘revolution.’

Where are these books, pamphlets and other documents once possessed by anti-Marcos individuals? The military must now return them to their rightful owners. If this is impossible, the academe can intervene. Scholars can actually undertake studies about this matter.

I am personally eager to know and read the books, magazines and papers deemed seditious by the State. I want to learn the books which had the most impact on activists before. Perhaps these books are no longer in circulation. They might still be relevant today.

I can imagine the military hiding a big vault protecting the voluminous files, belongings, and dossiers about former activists. They should be made public. It’s not safe to store them in the barracks. Have you heard the news about the fire inside Fort Bonifacio about two days ago which destroyed many documents and even ammunition?

Of course, what is most urgent today is justice for all former political detainees. The Marcoses and their henchmen in the military must suffer in jail. The ill-gotten wealth must be used to compensate the human rights victims.

But demanding that all stolen books and personal belongings be returned to their owners or to the public (in a museum, perhaps) is still a worthwhile and fascinating project.

Related entry: Book Hunt, finding the best books in town

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Endangered lives, my Yehey!News editor’s corner.

Graduation pictures of Meann, my beloved wife.

Interview with the Pinoy vampires

During the summer of last year, I worked for an NGO based in the House of Representatives. My job was to interview 45 lawmakers regarding their position on pending bills about poverty, social justice, health, land use and debt. By asking the right questions, it would also be an indirect approach in educating the legislators on different social issues.

The instructions were simple: Write a letter to the lawmaker’s office requesting for an interview. Then wait for reply.

My colleagues reminded me not to follow the standard procedure if I want to finish my quota. After all the Philippine Congress is not really known for respect for the rule of law. It invokes the law only if it will serve the interest of Malacañang, the Mafia boss of Congress.

Just as I feared and expected, only a handful promptly replied to my request. Some offices lost my letter. Some asked me to call again after one or two months.

So I relied on friends and schoolmates who worked in Congress. I am grateful to their assistance, understanding and practical tips. I also used the most effective lobbying method: ambush interview in the Plenary Hall.

Everyday I sat in the gallery and waited for my 45 lawmakers to enter the session hall. All of them were present when a foreign dignitary addressed Congress, E-VAT voting and during the last day of session. They were often absent and late for the regular session. There were three lawmakers whom I never saw during the entire summer period.

There were lawmakers who enter the Plenary hall looking bored and tired. They sit for while then leave for the South Lounge where free food is served. After one hour, they re-enter the session hall and after a few minutes of chattering with colleagues, they leave the Batasan Complex.

During the interviews, I have to be quick since they only have a few minutes to spare. Many Solons were adept in multitasking. Some pretended listening to me while they text or receive phone calls. Our interview would be interrupted when my ‘honorable’ interviewee would strike a loud conversation with a fellow lawmaker that would last for about half an hour. In between interviews, he/she would try to impress the media people, intimidate his/her staff, and demand paperworks from House employees which he/she would probably never read at all.

More than ten lawmakers referred me to their chiefs-of-staff. Many low profile Solons impressed me with their brilliant answers. Even pro-GMA representatives were approachable, warm and articulate. There was a Congressman who looked friendly and cute on television but grumpy and impolite to other people in his office. There was a son of a powerful politician who answered my questions about the lack of social services in the country by reminding me that we cannot do anything since we are a third world nation. There was a lawmaker from a remote province who told me to answer my own questionnaire and he will sign it as his own. There was a neophyte Solon who told me he cannot decide yet on his answers since he want to consult first his partymates.

Indeed, it was a memorable summer working in the House of Trapos, the super ego capital of the Philippines. I was in the “belly of the beast” while validating the claim that our future is not bright if those inside Congress are the next leaders of the country.

Related entries:

Deodorant boys, my article about the ‘Spice boys’ during the Hello Garci hearings.
Vanity politics, why the self-centeredness of Filipino politicians is unproductive.

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Baby pictures of Renee, my daughter.

Oh I love e-books! During the holy week, I was able to download Anthony Trollope’s Chronicles of Barsetshire. I am finished with The Warden.

The heady 80s

This will be my last update on this topic. I hope someday a book will be published regarding the glorious tradition of the UP Student Council.

By the way, Agony and Resurrection is my Yehey!News holy week editor’s corner.

July 1980: The Education Bill was strongly rejected by the UP Community. Noise barrages, boycotts in the university, and marches to Batasan became frequent in opposition to the bill. On July 24, 1500 students (10 buses) held a rally at the office of MEC protesting the controversial Education Bill. The rally was violently dispersed. UP held an indignation rally the following day in spite of typhoon and suspension of classes.

December 1, 1980: USC chair Mangahas arrested by the military for “subversion.” 2000 students attended the boycott rally on December 4. 90% of students skipped their classes.

August 27, 1981: First ever plebiscite held in the history of UP. 7150 students approved the USC Constitution while only 957 voted against. 241 abstsained.

1981-1984: The National Democrats gained complete hegemony in the USC

January 14, 1982: USC led a mass walkout to commemorate the fake lifting of martial law. 1000 students joined the protest action.

1982-83: The USC revived the Philippinensian, the UP Yearbook.

June 27, 1983: BOR rejected UP President Angara’s recommendation for the appointment of a Student Regent. But it was agreed that a student representative might be allowed to participate in the discussions without voting capacity.

August 23, 1983: Consultations began on the feasibility of raising tuition fees ranging from 50 to 200%.

August 26, 1983: 3000 members of the UP community, including the USC, joined the peace march and prayer rally in protest to the murder of Ninoy Aquino and the continuing violation of human rights.

December 16, 1983: USC Chairperson Leandro Alejandro led 200 students who picketed a CMT Parade as a protest action aimed at the intensifying militarization of Philippine society. They were threatened of suspension for disrupting a university activity.

Summer 1984: Protests escalate when word spread that Tuition fee increase would be imposed at the next schoolyear. Students threatened a no-pay enrollment boycott.

May 8, 1984: Education Minister Jaime C. Laya met with the students at the Palma Hall to convince them about the fairness of tuition fee increase.

June 1984: Students formed the Students’ Coalition against the Rising Cost of Education to spearhead campaign against fee hikes.

June 5, 1984: Students represented by Victor C. Avecilla and Louis C. Biraogo of the College of Law filed a suit in the QC Regional Trial Court just before the registration period contesting the imposition of higher tuition fees. UP was ordered to suspend collection of new rates pending a hearing of the case scheduled for June 15.

June 15, 1984: Judge Luis L. Victor denied the petition of the students and upheld the decision of the BOR to approve higher rates.

July 6, 1984: UP students were the first to march again at Mendiola since 1972. Students were protesting the tuition fee increases in private schools, the low budget for education, IMF-WB meddling in the government, oil price hikes, and the disregard for the students’ democratic rights.

September 20, 1984: The USC led the students in barricading the university in protest to tuition fee increase. They padlocked many academic buildings including Palma Hall. They blocked the roads leading to UP Diliman. It was the first barricade in Diliman after Martial law.

September 27-28 1984: Students planned a more massive barricade to paralyze the operations inside the university. The CSSP created a Crisis Management Committee to deal with the barricades. They held a vigil in Palma hall to avoid the students from disrupting the operations of the university. More than 5000 students formed and attended the human and physical barricades.

November 15-16 1984: Another barricade planned by the students. Entry points were blocked and massive traffic ensued. The barricades failed to disrupt the classes and never received the maximum participation of the students.

August 1985: Tugon Party dislodged SAMASA in the USC as the ruling party. A year later, both parties shared equal seats in the USC.

January 1986: USC urged students to participate in the snap elections, making a call for support to opposition Presidential bet Cory Aquino.

February 17, 1986: Students and faculty met at the AS steps to discuss and plan a localized civil disobedience, and a new kind of education following the rigged snap polls. USC formed the Task Force Civil Disobedience.

February 20, 1986: UP students marched to Malacanang demanding to President Marcos that he immediately vacate the Palace.

November 27, 1986: USC unanimously decided to support the ratification of proposed Constitution by the Aquino government. They also formed Task Force Vigilance (TFV) against the misguided elements in the military and other loyalists who attempted to take control of Channel 7. It was also responsible for the safeguarding of ballots during the February 7 plebiscite.

January 10, 1987: USC Chair Francis Pangilinan announced in a League of College Councils (LCC) meeting at the Faculty Center that he was appointed by President Aquino to be the Student Regent and member of the Board of Regents.

April 1987: USC formally endorsed the senatorial bids of Jose Burgos, Crispin Beltran, Nelia Sancho, Horacio Morales, Romy Capulong, Bernabe Buscayno, Jaime Tadeo, Bobby Tanada, Bobbit Sanchez, Teofisto Guingona, Joey Lina, Butz Aquino, Letty Shahani, Rene Saguisag, Alberto Romulo, and Jovito Salonga.

May 1987: USC Chair and Student Regent Francis Pangilinan resigned from his post as SR to the BOR and called for a postponement of the May 19 elections for the UP Presidency. He criticized the Search Committee for failing to come out with a viable and working procedure of choosing nominees for the UP Post. The BOR, meanwhile rejected the petition signed by 23 Chairmen and Councilors of various UP Councils calling for public hearings in the selection of the 15th UP President.

July 10, 1987: In a GA, the SAMASA decided to “desist from participating in next month’s USC elections and instead direct its efforts to the rebuilding process” of the alliance. SAMASA is the dominant political party in the 80s.

August 20, 1987: The term of the 12th Councilor post was decided by the electoral board to split into two following the tie of Blanche Lopez and Anna York Bondoc for the last Councilor slot.

September 1, 1987: A student assembly was held in the AS Steps in response to the aborted August 28 coup by RAM against the Aquino government. Sampaguita residents marched around the campus to condemn the indiscriminate killing of several civilians during the rebellion.

May 5, 1988: 300 UP students marched to US Embassy to present a manifesto of students calling for the withdrawal of US bases in the country. Student leaders Amante Jimenez, David Celdran and Angelo Jimenez were charged of illegal assembly.

August 1988: SAMASA reconquers USC after a year of non-participation in the elections.

November 1988: More than 500 dormitory residents trooped to Quezon Hall to denounce the implementation of the 32% Dorm Fee increase scheduled for January next year.

November 23, 1988: KASAMA sa UP passed a resolution seeking four student representatives for the four autonomous units in the BOR in an effort to strengthen the student sector representation in the BOR.

The UP Student Council during the ‘Storm’

January 30, 1969: The Committee on Public and National Affairs of the USC initiated a movement to present the “state of the university” to UP President Lopez. The President held an eight-hour dialogue/negotiation with the students who presented him with 77 demands. The Kabataang Makabayan (KM) gave the President an ultimatum on the immediate resolution of demands and threatened to lead a general strike. Lopez requested the students to pare down the list of demands; the students complied and reduced the most urgent issues to only 18.

January 31, 1969: KM started a general strike in the University Avenue but failed. They decided to boycott their classes but also failed.

February 4, 1969: KM and USC successfully led a general strike by the students in the university. Lopez was forced to issue Executive Order no. 1 giving greater autonomy to all student organizations in the handling of funds collected by UP, lifting of existing restraint on organizations, and making optional the appointment of faculty advisers for students organizations and publications. President Marcos came to the university, dialogued with the student leaders; and was able to resolve student demands by the release of funds for the university. The visit was the second time the Head of State came to UP to discuss vital matters with students and faculty after Quezon. The 18 demands were substantially met: student autonomy was granted. All documents and papers of accounts of UP were opened to all parties, an agreement was forged with Mayor Amoranto that QC police would not enter campus without written request from UP.

February 5-12 1969: Lopez helped in negotiating the settlement of UP College of Agriculture strike; met with the UP Prep Student Council which demanded a permanent school site; and averted a walkout by draftsmen and utility men in the Physical Plant office.

July 1969: The USC supported the strike in College of Education seeking the ouster of Dean Felixberto Sta. Maria for inaction on student demands.

September 1969: USC Chair Fernando Barican sat in the BOR as a non-voting observer, the 1st appointed Student Regent (SR) in the BOR on January 25, 1970.

January 7, 1970: Students of UP Manila and Diliman boycotted their classes to denounce police brutality and the illegal detention for eight hours of UP students Renato Ciria Cruz, Gary Olivar, and Jorge Sibal during the anti-Agnew rally last December of 1969. The USC, Samahan ng Demokratikong Kabataan, the AS Student Council, and 50 faculty members led by Dean Cesar Adib Majul issued a joint declaration of concern to “repressive tolerance towards organized dissent.”

January 26, 1970: UP students joined 40,000 – 50,000 students in front of the Congress building during the SONA of President Marcos. The peaceful demonstration turned into a bloody riot when the police reacted strongly at the throwing of a mock coffin at the party of the President.

January 27, 1970: The USC called for a boycott of classes for the rest of the week. President Lopez told a group of students in front of Quezon hall that he would suspend classes.

January 29, 1970: The first faculty march of the university towards Malacanang led by President Lopez to present to President Marcos the Declaration of the Faculty regarding the bloody incident last January 26. UP met with the faculty of the University of the East at J.P. Laurel. The USC charged the faculty with elitism because the planned indignation rally is scheduled on January 30. They did not want to have dialogue with Marcos. In protest, they led the students to march at the Quezon hall while the faculty and administration were in Malacanang. They turned the flag upside down, removed the plaque under the picture of General Romulo and covered the Oblation with a sack.

January 30, 1970: UP students joined a peaceful indignation rally in front of the Congress building that ended at 5pm. Then the group started marching towards Malacanang and they stormed the gates of the Palace with a firetruck. The “Battle of Mendiola” lasted the whole night with four students killed including UP freshman Ricardo Alcantara; 117 injured; 293 arrested, including USC Chair Barican; and 131 charged with sedition.

February 18 and 26 1970: UP students participated in the launching of “People’s Congress.” and “Pulong Bayan” in Plaza Miranda.

March 3 and 17 1970: UP students joined the “people’s marches” in Malacanang and at the US Embassy hiking around the populous streets of Manila denouncing Imperialism, Feudalism, and Bureaucrat Capitalism and converging at the end in Plaza Miranda.

April 1970: Militant students who graduated with honors led by USC Chair Fernando Barican, Victor Manarang, Orlando Vea, Vicente Paqueo, Ericson Baculinao, and Rafael Baylosis held a protest action at the graduation rites with placards exhorting students to “Serve the People” and denouncing “American Cultural Aggression.”

June 1970: For the first time, students were represented by speakers from their sector at the Faculty Conference. The USC was renamed into Sanggunian ng mga Mag-aaral in line with the Filipinization of the university.

September 7, 1970: The USC and the Collegian supported the strike at the PGH which eventually led to the creation of a body responsible for instituting reforms at the PGH.

October 5, 1970: The students confronted Lopez anew with their 57 demands which were grouped into five mass headings: democratization, Filipinization, academic affairs, student welfare, non-academic-affairs, and faculty welfare. The USC led a walk-out, a mass-action and the occupation of Quezon hall to present to President Lopez their “State of the University” Declaration.

January 11-12 1971: 200-300 students formed a human barricade at the University Avenue to stop cars and other vehicles from entering the campus in a show of unity with the striking jeepney drivers in protest to oil price hikes imposed by the government.

February 1, 1971: The students put up a more massive human barricade/blockade at the University Avenue, as the jeepney strike was resumed by all striking unions of jeepney drivers. A small contingent group also manned the Katipunan gate. UP Mathematics Professor Inocente Campos, who is known to be ignoring boycotts and rallies by the students entered the University Avenue and was stopped by pillboxes thrown in the direction of his car. He put on a vest, took his gun and fired at the students killing one student, Pastor Mesina Jr. The students burned Campos’car and the UP Security Force arrested the Professor and turned him over to the QC Police department. Students stormed Quezon hall and vented their ire on President Lopez. The Campos incident invited the entry of QC Police and the Metrocom inside the campus. They broke the barricade at 4:30pm apprehending 18 students. From this time, the issue was no longer Oil Price hike but military intervention in UP.

February 2, 1971: Students raised more physical and human barricades at the entrance of the university. The Metrocom forcibly tried to break the barricades. Violence erupted. Retreating students went to Palma hall and used chairs, tables, benches, and bulletin boards for barricading the area around the building. Male students retreated to Kamia and Sampaguita Residence halls. The police who pursued the barricaders threw tear gas cannisters in both dormitories with some policemen entering the building with gas masks and white helmets. 50 students were arrested.

February 3, 1971: A Community meeting was called by President Lopez in front of Palma Hall and reached a decision to continue with the barricades as a manifestation of opposition to the entry of military in the university. The meeting was interrupted by the entry of police in the campus again but a negotiation was settled allowing the withdrawal of police forces. President Marcos ordered the police to retreat on the condition that UP Administration will be responsible for the situation.

February 4-9 1971: Diliman commune continued. Students used bocaue rockets and kwitis at the top of the main library to scare away military helicopters. Teach-ins/mass meetings were held inside barricades. Students used hand-made pillboxes, passwords to man the entrances. The Chemistry department, laboratories, store rooms, chemicals, glassware were ransacked for the concoction of molotov cocktails. The President of the UP Woman’s Club and the Kamia Residence Hall Student Organization Body headed the food committee. Free food was served for everybody. Students “liberated” Palma hall and renamed some buildings on campus after progressive leaders of the left. The Faculty center was renamed Sison Hall, Palma hall was Dante Hall and the Gonzales Hall into Amado Guerrero Hall. The students also too over DZUP, they played Internationale in the morning plus the Dovie Beams tapes. They “liberated” the UP Press and published Bandilang Pula. Students splashed the Oblation with red paint and displayed red flags on liberated buildings.

Related Entries:

The UP Student Council 1913-1950

The UP Student Council 1951 – 1968

The UP Student Council during Martial Law

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Cha-cha express, my Yehey!News weekly update.

“Doon (sa ibang bansa) ay kaya kong ipunin ang lahat ng bituin”

Sinulat ko ito para sa News Outlet for the Young Pinoy, isang weekly tabloid….

Sa tuwing graduation ay lalong tumitingkad ang pangangailangang repasuhin ang sistema ng edukasyon sa bansa. Hindi uubra na lagi na lang tayong may batalyon ng mga kabataang may diploma pero wala namang trabaho.

Anu-ano ang mga repormang dapat nating gawin?

Una, sa tingin ko’y kailangang bigyan ng pansin ang kalunus-lunos na kalagayan ng basic education sa bansa.

Natatangi ang Pilipinas sa buong mundo dahil rekisito ang edukasyon sa kolehiyo upang makakuha ng magandang trabaho. May pagkilala kasi na hindi sapat ang kasanayang nakukuha ng mga kabataan kung hayskul lamang ang natapos nila. Kung mataas ang kalidad ng basic education, maaari nang bigyan ng kagyat na trabaho ang mga kabataan habang ang iba ay maaaring magkolehiyo para sa kanilang piniling ispesyalisasyon.

Kung tutuusin, sa isang ideyal na sitwasyon, pwedeng mag-call center ang mga graduate natin sa hayskul na hindi pa desidido kung sila ba ay tutungo sa kolehiyo. Hindi tulad ngayon na mga college graduate at batang propesyunal ang pumupuno sa mataas na demand sa industriyang ito.

Pangalawa, dapat magpokus sa mga kursong kailangan ng domestikong ekonomiya. Tayo ay isang agrikultural na lipunan. Dapat tayo ang nangunguna sa mga pananaliksik ukol sa pagpapalago ng pananim, pangangalaga sa kagubatan, pangingisda at kahit ang pagmimina ng ating yamang mineral.

Sa kasalukuyan ay nagsisiksikan ang mga estudyante natin sa mga kursong commerce, accounting, at business samantalang hindi kaya ng ekonomiya na mabigyan sila lahat ng trabaho. Ang graduate naman ng kursong may kinalaman sa agrikultura ay napupunta sa mga agrikultural na opisina ng gobyerno upang gumampan ng mga gawaing klerikal.

Tuntungan ang maunlad na agrikultura, agham at teknolohiya upang maging matagumpay ang programang industriyalisasyon. Hindi makakabuti ang pag-asa sa mga inobasyon at pag-aaral ng ibang bansa upang idebelop ang ating agrikultura. Ito ang dahilan kung bakit minimal lamang ang ating napapakinabangan sa likas yamang dagat at lupa ng bansa.

Pangatlo, kailangang kontrolin ang bilang ng mga eskuwelahang nag-aalok ng mga kursong tumutugon sa pangangailangan ng ibang bansa. Popular ngayon ang nursing, caregiver at malamang umusbong na rin ang mga call center school. Diretso sa ibang bansa o dayuhang korporasyon ang kalakhan ng graduate ng mga kursong ito.

Hindi natin masisisi ang ating mga kababayang piniling magtrabaho sa ibang lupain na magbibigay sa kanila ng mas magandang kabuhayan. Pero hindi dapat maging pulisiya ng pamahalaan ang pag-eeksport ng mga kabataan upang maisalba ang ekonomiya. Kailangang mag-aral ng nursing, medisina o pagpipiloto ang ating mga kabataan upang pakinabangan dito sa ating bansa at hindi upang makipagsapalaran sa ibang lupain.

Kailangang magbalangkas ng kumprehensibong plano ang pamahalaan kung ano ang mga prayoridad na kurso upang hindi naman panay nursing ang iaalok ng mga eskuwelahan. Hindi dapat payagan ang operasyon ng mga eskuwelahang gusto lang pagkakitaan ang mataas na demand sa nursing o caregiver kahit kaduda-duda ang kalidad ng kanilang pagtuturo.

Hindi kahusayan sa ingles ang susi upang makakuha ng trabaho ang ating mga kabataan. Dapat ayusin ang ugnayan ng ekonomiya at akademya. Dapat abutin natin ang isang panahon na pwede ng magtrabaho ang mga graduate sa hayskul. Dapat magpokus tayo sa agrikultura, agham at teknolohiya. Dapat pag-aralin natin ang mga kabataan upang DITO mag-alay ng kanilang lakas, talino, kasanayan at ideyalismo.

Upang maisakatuparan ang mga mithiing ito, hindi lang overhaul ng edukasyon ang kailangan. Mahalagang magkaroon ng mga opisyal sa pamahalaan na may ganitong tanaw sa hinaharap.

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Bisitahin ang bagong Yehey! Bisitahin din ang aking munting espasyo sa news section nito.